Yemeni Women: From the September 26 Revolution to Houthi Authority

Hala Sultan Al-Qurashi

Judge, Head of the Women and Persons with Disabilities Sector, Supreme Committee for Elections

Yemeni women have never been outside the equation of political and social change. Since the September 26 Revolution of 1962, the aspirations of Yemeni women have constituted an essential part of the revolution’s goals, and their story has been a sensitive indicator of transformation: whether in progress or in setback. Women have always been a mirror clearly reflecting the trajectory of Yemen’s modern history.

The September 26 Revolution put an end to the era of the Imamate, during which women suffered isolation and complete deprivation of rights. They were not allowed education or participation in public life, and their role was confined to the domestic sphere. With the announcement of the revolution’s objectives—freedom, equality, and education—the first signs of change began to appear. Schools opened their doors to girls for the first time, and women gradually took their place in a space they had never known before. The revolution was a window of hope, linking national awakening with social emancipation, and women were its greatest beneficiaries.

The 1970s witnessed an explosion of women’s passion for education. Schools and universities filled with female students who carried the dream of breaking historical isolation. This period saw the emergence of the first female doctors, teachers, and journalists, models that proved women could contribute meaningfully to nation-building. A relatively positive social atmosphere prevailed that supported women’s integration into society, making this one of the most optimistic decades.

However, this trajectory suffered a major setback in the 1980s with the rise of imported Wahhabi influence, which cast a shadow over Yemeni society. Women were the most harmed: they were barred from entering certain educational fields such as the Higher Judicial Institute, and excluded from senior positions, despite the absence of any legal texts preventing it. Religion began to be used as a weapon to restrict women, reflected in curricula and religious discourse that reinforced their inferiority. Nevertheless, some women continued their struggle through education and civic activism.

With the declaration of Yemeni unification in 1990, the horizon widened for women. Laws were unified, and international conventions previously signed by both states were adopted, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Initially, women felt that unity would enhance their rights and open new opportunities. Yet reality proved otherwise: constitutional amendments undermined the principle of equal citizenship, and changes to the Personal Status Law reintroduced child marriage by abolishing the minimum age requirement. This was a severe blow, re-entrenching discrimination through new legal provisions despite promises of equality.

During this period, civil society organizations gained momentum in defending women’s rights. The Yemeni Women’s Union emerged as a leading advocate, alongside numerous independent rights initiatives. Women fought long battles against discrimination, participating in rights campaigns to demand the enforcement of laws. Yet political and social obstacles often stood in the way of practical implementation.

When the February 2011 Revolution erupted, women were on the frontlines of the squares. They led chants, organized events, and endured assaults and social pressures—but they stood firm. Images of Yemeni women in the squares became symbols of determination and change, and they played a prominent role in mass mobilization.

The National Dialogue Conference represented a pivotal milestone in women’s struggle. Nearly 30% of the seats were allocated to them, and they actively participated in drafting the new constitutional proposal. Some women even chaired dialogue teams, such as the Rights and Freedoms Committee, and successfully introduced constitutional guarantees for a 30% quota for women across state institutions. In that moment, women felt they were on the brink of a historic achievement that would enshrine genuine partnership in shaping Yemen’s future. But this opportunity quickly dissipated with the Houthis’ armed takeover of the political process.

With the Houthis’ consolidation of power, Yemeni women became the foremost and primary victims. Severe restrictions were imposed on their mobility; they were banned from traveling without a male guardian and excluded from public office. Strict curbs were placed on their cultural and social activities, women were imprisoned, and some women’s organizations were shut down. Even education was not spared: curricula were revised to indoctrinate sectarian ideology and curtail women’s aspirations. This period marked a profound regression, pushing women several steps backward after their remarkable presence in the National Dialogue.

Throughout it all, Yemeni women have remained at the heart of the struggle for freedom and dignity. Since the 1960s, their aspirations have been an inseparable part of the project of building a modern state. They have sacrificed, endured setbacks, yet never ceased striving for a better tomorrow. What they endure today under Houthi authority represents another chapter in a protracted struggle—one that must inevitably culminate in the establishment of a just, civic, and democratic Yemen that guarantees equal rights for all.