Samah Subei
Lawyer and Advocate for Victims of Human Rights Violations
As we near the completion of eleven years since the resurgence of the Imamate in its new guise and its assault on the Yemeni state—hard-won through decades of struggle—the “new Imamis,” emerging from the dust of history, have given us no chance to breathe. They quickly seized the fruits of the glorious September 26 Revolution, the most significant revolution of the modern era. This was not a mere historical episode but a revolt against those who claimed to rule on behalf of God, subjecting Yemenis to enslavement under such a claim.
The September Revolution was a lifeline: it established the principles of equality and dismantled class-based hierarchies. It showed great tolerance toward the crimes committed by previous Imams against the people over centuries, before becoming a lifeline for all Yemenis. Yet this tolerance was met with betrayal. The Houthis launched their notorious coup, one marked by hostility toward Yemen and Yemenis alike. Without the complicity of a broad spectrum of political parties that had been partners in the overthrown state, “this group would never have advanced a single step beyond Saada.” It was an unforgivable treason that fragmented Yemen and scattered Yemenis across the world.
Despite difficulties, the revolution and the state it gave rise to brought tangible achievements, albeit gradually and at a slower pace compared to our regional and international surroundings. Yet, Yemen made notable strides in several areas. In fact, it was ahead of some neighboring states in key issues, particularly women’s rights. Yemeni law was pioneering in granting women the right to pass their nationality to their children—a right unprecedented in Arab legislation at the time. Moreover, the so-called “House of Obedience” law, still applied in many Arab countries to this day, was abolished. That law had allowed women to be forcibly dragged back to marital homes, in blatant violation of their dignity and humanity. Steps were also taken to enforce the separation of powers, especially ensuring the judiciary’s administrative and financial independence from the executive branch. Progress was also evident in rights and freedoms, particularly freedom of the press, with civil and societal oversight becoming a lived reality.
The Yemeni people’s history with the Imamate is well-documented in books and testimonies of those who endured that dark era. Today, similar practices are carried out by the “new Assassins”—the Houthis. My personal experience as a lawyer handling hundreds of human rights violations reveals a reality more brutal than fiction. Since this group stormed state institutions on September 21, 2014, they have intruded into every aspect of our daily lives. Gradually, Yemenis began to lose the gains of the September Revolution. The first sign was the suspension of salaries for thousands of employees to subjugate them both financially and morally. This was followed by widespread violations of freedoms, which the September Revolution’s constitution had enshrined as sacred: storming homes, arbitrary arrests, and the ongoing crime of enforced disappearances against hundreds.
Children, too, have been targeted—recruited and dragged into the fires of war. Among the most harrowing cases I documented was that of an orphaned boy, not yet eleven years old, sexually exploited by fighters on a border frontline. He tried repeatedly to escape, but his mother—unaware of what was happening—kept returning him to the local commander. That boy, his green eyes brimming with tears, confided that his only moments of relief came when coalition airstrikes hit Houthi positions, granting him brief opportunities for escape. This is not an isolated case but one among hundreds of files I have reviewed. It was these experiences that led me to decide never to bear children. One of the most haunting cases was that of a nine-year-old boy raped by an operative of the Houthi “Preventive Security.” His impoverished family, under threats, was forced to drop the case—despite the crime carrying a fifteen-year prison sentence when the victim is a minor—in exchange for a mere 500,000 Yemeni riyals before the verdict could be issued. The Preventive Security, directly overseen by Abdulmalik al-Houthi, personally intervened to bury this and countless other cases.
Yemeni women in areas under Houthi control have also been relentlessly targeted since day one. I vividly recall October 8, when women took to the streets in the so-called “Hunger Uprising” to protest deteriorating living conditions. They were met by the Houthi “Zainabiyat” militia, who brutally assaulted them with electric batons, rifle butts, and clubs—acts amounting to systematic torture constituting grave breaches under international law. Dozens of women were detained in cramped police cells, with some released only after male relatives signed written pledges ensuring they would not participate in future protests.
The abuses did not stop there. Women were harassed in city streets under the pretext of “coat ties,” as happened in Hodeidah. I myself was subjected to an attempted assault while carrying out my duties at the Specialized Criminal Prosecution, targeted merely for wearing a coat tie.
Historically, Yemeni women enjoyed a degree of sanctity and protection under cultural traditions, shielding them from many forms of abuse even in the harshest times. With the Houthis, this protection was systematically dismantled, making women among the first and most vulnerable victims of violations. I personally monitored cases of young women subjected to horrific torture: whipped on their chests, photographed under duress, and threatened with the release of these images should they speak out.
What I have presented here is merely an introduction to a far broader catalogue of systematic, grave, and well-documented human rights violations committed by this group against Yemeni women, men, and children alike.
